著者
辻 大地
出版者
東洋文庫
雑誌
東洋学報 : 東洋文庫和文紀要 (ISSN:03869067)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.98, no.4, pp.454-430, 2017-03

This article discusses the influence of the suspension of local autonomy by Yuan Shikai (袁世凱) in February 1914, focusing on the irrigation project in Jiangnan (江南). As the summer of that year was marked by drought through Jiangsu (江蘇省) province, an irrigation project involving dredging and so on had to be conducted in both the Jiangnan and Jiangbei (江北) regions. After the suspension of local autonomy, the Jiangnan Irrigation Bureau (Jiangnan Shuili Ju 江南水利局) was established to bring the project into effect, which marks the starting point for this article's examination of local government administration at that time. A part of the research done to date suggests that, after the Third Revolution (第三革命), the provincial assemblies were revived, but local autonomy on the prefectural level was not restored, as the prefectural administrators (xian zhishi 県知事) strengthened their power by continuing to deny local autonomy. However, the author of this article has found that the irrigation project, conducted as one facet of governance at the local level in Jiangnan, were operated as before by the local gentry, in cooperation with authorities such as prefectural administrators and the Jiangnan Irrigation Bureau. In the amidst of political instability after the Xinhai Revolution (辛亥革命), the Beijing (北京) government found itself in fiscal difficulties, and was forced to rely in part on capital funds raised at the local level not only for such public works as the irrigation project, but also for the maintenance of law and order by armed vigilance committees (tuanfang 団防). Consequently, although reforms in legal institutions were carried out from the top down by the central government, public works at the local level still depended as before on local autonomy. In the case of Jiangnan in 1914–15, the importance of the role played by the prefectural gentry in basic echelons of society at the local level continued to be recognized, while the authorities―the prefectural administrators, who had taken on the role of the prefectural administrators in Dynastic China (zhouxian guan 州県官)―were crucial in the affairs of local governance. That being said, after the suspension of local autonomy, the Jiangnan Irrigation Bureau that was established in Suzhou (蘇州) brought together the prefectural gentry. Therefore, although the importance of provincial level administrative offices did increase from that time on, the prefectural gentry still continued to play a very important role in local governance.
著者
辻 大地
出版者
東洋文庫
雑誌
東洋学報 : 東洋文庫和文紀要 (ISSN:03869067)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.98, no.4, pp.454-430, 2017-03

While it is commonly known that sexual and love relations between men in pre-modern society, including that of the 'Abbāsid Period, were widespread, most of the historical research to date has regarded such relations as synonymous with modern concepts of "homosexuality." In addition, historians tend to be of the opinion that what may be called the "essentialist" concept of "Islamic homosexuality" has been embraced consistently regardless of time or place, when trying to understand male-male sexual relationships of various places and different periods. In recent years more and more research is being done that reexamines these conventional views. In particular, the research on the Ottoman Period has begun to relocate male-male sexual relationships within the context of sexuality as a whole. Unfortunately, the 'Abbāsid period has yet to be so reconsidered, mainly due to a paucity of historical sources regarding sexuality during that time. Given such circumstances, the present article is an attempt to show one facet of sexuality at the time, through a consideration of male-male sexual relationships in the 'Abbāsid period. For this purpose, the author conducts an analysis of the discourse presented in the al-Jāḥiẓ's Kitāb Mufākhara al-Jawārī wa al-Ghilmān (The Book of the Boasting Match between Girls and Boys) which is almost the only historical material written dealing explicitly with the subject of sexuality. The analysis shows that there was a distinction between "adult males" and "non adult-males," including not only females but boys, adolescents and so on, with respect to sexual relationships. Moreover, this distinction seems to correspond to a distinction between active and passive roles in sexual intercourse. The author concludes that sexual relationships at the time were based not on modern binary sexual categories of male and female, but rather on a different category fluctuating between "adult males" and "non adult-males."
著者
白 玉冬
出版者
東洋文庫
雑誌
東洋学報 : 東洋文庫和文紀要 (ISSN:03869067)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.97, no.3, pp.384-360, 2015-12

The success of the Tang Dynasty in quelling the Huang Chao 黄巣 Rebellion (875-884) was in large part made possible by the contingent of Shatuo 沙陀 Turks and Tatars 達靼 led by Shatuo warlord Li Keyong 李克用, whose son, Li Cunzu 李存勗, would found the Later Tang polity of the Five Dynasties Period. The close relationships that would exist between the Later Tang Dynasty and the Tatar settlements in the north Gobi Desert at the beginning of the 10th century dates back at least to 878, when Li Keyong along with his father Li Guochang raised their own rebellion against the Tang Dynasty, were defeated and took refuge among the Tatar tribes. The purpose of this article is to trace the origins of the Tatars who interacted with the Shatuo warlords during the final years of the Tang Dynasty, by discussing the Nine Tatars settled in the northern Gobi. To begin with, the author points to a letter written by Li Keyong to his arch-enemy Zhu Quanzhong 朱全忠, in which we discover the existence of a tribal settlement in Yinshan 陰山, which Li refers to as Yiqin 懿親. A review of the use of "Yinshan" in the Tang Period sources, mainly epitaphs mentioning people of Turkic descent, shows that while 1) Yinshan could refer to the present day Yinshan and Tianshan mountain ranges of the southern Gobi Desert, there is also its use as 2) a synonym for all of northern China and 3) possible reference to Ötükän yïš 于都斤山 (the Khangai Mountains of central Mongolia) in the northern Gobi. The problem is 1) that there is no record of Tatar (Shiwei 室韋 in the Tang records) settlements in the Yinshan Mts, and the fact that the Yinshan region, being a mixed agricultural-pastoral area, played only a peripheral role in the nomadic states of the period, meaning that the only region capable of spawning large powerful nomadic organizations was the northern Gobi. Consequently, the author reasons that the migration of Tatar tribes into the central Mongolian steppe around the time of the collapse of the Eastern Uighur Khanate must have included at least one part of the Nine Tatars, the Kelie 克烈 (the Kereyids), settling there during the latter part of the 9th century. The Yuanshi's 元史 biography of Suge 速哥 describes the Kereyids as matrilineal kin to the "Li Tang", a polity which should be interpreted as the Later Tang Dynasty, which the Shatuo Li Family claimed to be the legitimate successor to the Tang Dynasty. And if so, the Kereyids correspond to Li Keyong's Yiqin settlement. The author concludes that the Tatars who protected Li Keyong and his father in exile, then fought beside the Shatuo warlord in the counterinsurgency effort against Huang Chao were in fact the Nine Tatars of mainland Mongolia, or least one contingent thereof i.e., the Kereyids. Therefore, the history of Mongolia around the 10th century becomes closely connected to the development of the dynasties in mainland China and thus constitutes an indispensable part of eastern Eurasian history.
著者
荒井 悠太
出版者
東洋文庫
雑誌
東洋学報 : 東洋文庫和文紀要 (ISSN:03869067)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.102, no.1, pp.88-64, 2020-06

In this article, the author reappraises the significance of non-kin ties according to 'ilm al-'umrān al-basharī (the science of human civilization), advocated by Arab historian Ibn Khaldūn in the Muqaddima, an introduction and volume I of his historical work, the Kitāb al-'Ibar. Ibn Khaldūn's dynastic theory, which constitutes the substance of his science of human civilization, has been regarded as a product of his political experience in Maghrib society, giving him insights into its organization, and is considered to be "tribal" in character. However, after reading through Ibn Khaldūn's historical narrative, the author has found that the phenomenon of a transition from kin to non-kin ties in dominant groups is also laid out as a critical dynastic phenomenon, bringing into doubt the conventional interpretation that the theory is no more than "tribal." Thus the author examines Ibn Khaldūn's Kitāb al-'Ibar, focusing on a kind of his notions of social ties, 'aṣabīya bil-walā' (solidarity based on clientage), in order to clarify the function of non-kin ties in his dynastic theory and historical narrative. Chapter I outlines Ibn Khaldūn's historical narrative up to the Abbasid era according to his historical perspective. Chapter II examines Ibn Khaldūn's method of applying his own dynastic theory to the Mamluk sultanate, which has been considered not to conform to his "tribal" dynastic theory because its dominant group, mamluks, are intrinsically non-kin and non-tribal. In conclusion, the author argues that while Ibn Khaldūn's dynastic theory emphasizes the significance of kin and tribal ties as applied to historical dynasties in general, his historical narrative reflects the principles of transitions from kin and tribal to non-kin, which takes place in the character of social relationships in dominant groups.
著者
土肥 歩
出版者
東洋文庫
雑誌
東洋学報 : 東洋文庫和文紀要 (ISSN:03869067)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.102, no.1, pp.1-29, 2020-06

The civil disturbances caused by secret societies and discharged military veterans of Guangxi Province from the end of the 19th century into the beginning of the 20th century were further exacerbated by natural disasters, especially the flood and famine from 1901 to 1903. Although much research has paid special attention to these Guangxi civil disturbances to date, the aspect of relief efforts by foreign Protestant missionary societies has not been sufficiently covered. For this reason, the present article attempts to clarify whether or not the disaster relief activities, which were carried out by the Christian and Missionary Alliance (CMA) in Guangxi Province, and by Robert McWade, a Consul General of the United States at Guangzhou, affected the civil disturbances. The author begins by summarizing the actual conditions surrounding the disturbances based on the research to date and the available primary sources, in order to confirm a relationship between civil disturbances and the Renyin Disasters. Next, he describes the famine relief efforts conducted in 1903 by the missionaries of the CMA and McWade's "American Relief Expedition" funded by private voluntary contributions from the United States; then sums up the influence exerted by relief efforts on the evangelical activities of the CMA in Guangxi Province, in general, while focusing specifically on the relationship between famine relief, touted as "humanitarian service" in the US, and the simultaneous efforts by the Cen Chunxuan, the Viceroy of Liangguang to suppress rebellion. The above investigation has led the author to the following two discoveries. First, regarding the relationship between disaster relief and Protestant evangelical activities, as already shown in the existing research, the contribution of the humanitarian efforts carried out by the missionaries of the CMA and diplomats in the midst of the Renyin Disasters can be confirmed. On the other hand, it is also clear that the evangelical efforts conducted by McWade's "Expedition" met with every possible impediment because of the oppositions on the part of local elites. Secondly, due to the intervention of Chinese authorities, the relief campaign was incorporated into the counterinsurgency operations. In more general terms, the author's results demonstrate the necessity of further studying the relationships between internationally organized relief campaigns and intervention in such efforts by Chinese local authorities.
著者
山下 将司
出版者
東洋文庫
雑誌
東洋学報 : 東洋文庫和文紀要 (ISSN:03869067)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.93, no.4, pp.397-425, 2012-03

Among the Chinese character epitaphs written for Sogds found to date, we find many instances of appointment to the post of commander of garrisons (junfu 軍府) under the garrison militia (fubing 府兵) system between the Northern Dynasties and early Tang periods. It is also a fact that Sogds were also involved in the formation of local militias that comprised the fighting units of the fubing system. From examples of such Sogdian involvement in military affairs, I had previously pointed out that Sogdian garrisons and army corps may be assumed to have existed at the time in question. However this is merely an assumption based on the existing epigraphy and research to date on the military institutions of the Northern Dynasties, Sui and Tang Periods, concluding that there is still no hard evidence establishing that fact, until now. That is to say, from the epitaph of Cao Yi, which was made public in 2011 in the city of Fenyang, Shanxi Province, we have evidence that a "chejifu 車騎府" of the regional garrison was set up under the "sabao 薩宝" of Jiezhou 介州during the early Tang Period, proving without a doubt the existence of a Sogdian garrison and army corps there. The garrison also joined the Taiyuan uprising led by Li Yuan 李淵in 617, and it had incorporated Sogdian armed forces since before the founding of the Tang. Moreover, when compared to the Sui period epitaph of Yu Hong 虞弘 excavated in 1999, we find that the Tang period garrison had its origins in the local army corps led by Sogdian commander Yu during the last years of the Northern Zhou, and it becomes clear that Sogdian garrisons and army corps existed in the final years of the Northern Dynasties at the latest. Then during the Zenguan 貞観 (627-49) era, as the Tang Dynasty established control, these Sogdian garrisons and army corps were disbanded. In consequence, Sogdian ruling class returned to their former occupations such as commerce, and others became peasants of the Tang Dynasty.
著者
蓮田 隆志
出版者
東洋文庫
雑誌
東洋学報 : 東洋文庫和文紀要 (ISSN:03869067)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.99, no.2, pp.234-210, 2017-09
著者
小澤 一郎
出版者
東洋文庫
雑誌
東洋学報 : 東洋文庫和文紀要 (ISSN:03869067)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.95, no.3, pp.354-329, 2013-12
著者
白 玉冬
出版者
東洋文庫
雑誌
東洋学報 : 東洋文庫和文紀要 (ISSN:03869067)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.97, no.3, pp.384-360, 2015-12